“China’s western regions and rural areas contribute little to its overall emissions, but bear the brunt of environmental degradation.”
International climate talks generally focus on the varying – and sometimes conflicting – interests of different countries. But when it comes to the issue of global warming, we also need to consider the interests of different regions and groups of people within a single country. We must consider their equitable development and varying abilities to adapt to change.
The actors in current international negotiations are all political entities: either countries or groups of countries. On the international stage, deals are hammered out between countries, with each national government acting as the sole representative of its own diverse society. When a gap emerges between the public interest and national policy, the average member of society no longer has their interests protected. The true meaning of equity should be that everyone – especially those from vulnerable groups – has their rights protected. This should also be the case with climate change issues.
Questions of climate change and equity intersect in China. For example, there has long been a disparity between energy consumption in rural and urban areas. In 1990, average energy consumption per person in rural areas was only 27.9% of the average for urban areas (83 kilograms of standard coal in rural areas compared to 298 kg in urban areas). Even allowing for increases over the years, by 2004, rural energy consumption per person was only 44.9% of that in urban areas (109 kg compared to 243 kg). In other words, rural consumption was still less than half of urban consumption.
When we talk about the effects of climate change on development, the key issue is whose development? Over the past few decades, marked social inequalities have emerged. A minority of people, in a minority of areas, have attained high levels of development. But the environmental cost is being paid by the majority. Disadvantaged groups, whose lives were hard enough to begin with, now face pollution, shortages of resources and even the total destruction of their means of survival. When taking steps to mitigate and adapt to climate change, we need to learn the lessons of the past and take note of the potential social problems that may arise. The arguments put forward by China at the international negotiating table – that per capita energy consumption remains low, and that China needs to develop – should also be put to use in the domestic policy-making arena. The idea of unequal development is relevant within the country; the benefits of development need to be more evenly distributed. China may win support for its development on the international stage, but development has to be implemented evenly and fairly. Otherwise the arguments that support the government’s position at negotiations will lose their moral foundation.
The government needs to give careful consideration to the positive and negative consequences across society of carbon emissions trading, mitigation and adaptation measures. For example, adapting to climate change requires a restructuring of energy resources. This means that large hydropower projects with heavy social and environmental impacts become a more reasonable option. But strict social and environmental assessments must be carried out, legal loopholes must be closed and laws must be enforced. Otherwise, negative environmental effects and clashes with people living in reservoir areas are inevitable – and the people’s interests will be harmed.
Environmental and social assessments should take into account the impacts of hydropower projects on biodiversity and local communities. Public participation should be expanded to increase communities’ ability to tackle climate change. Less-developed regions surrounding the upper reaches of major rivers should also receive compensation for water and soil conservation, which should be funded by the industrialised coastal regions that produce the most emissions.
The evidence shows that markets alone cannot address problems of inequality. The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) is one example. The CDM means developed countries provide financial and technical assistance to developing countries, which they can use to develop domestic environmental and sustainable development projects. In return, developed nations earn permits to emit more greenhouse gases. China is home to more CDM projects than any other country, but most of the beneficiaries are in urban areas or the industrial sector. Rural regions, which have the least ability to adapt to climate change, find it hard to benefit from the scheme. How can renewable energy projects in rural areas – such as methane energy projects – be brought into the CDM and directly benefit local communities? Reforestation projects could also be brought into the mechanism, with the prerequisite that the effects on local communities and biodiversity are taken into consideration.
China is not alone in the problems it faces. In August 2007, at the UN General Assembly thematic debate on “Climate Change as a Global Challenge”, Makhdoom Faisal Saleh Hayat, environment minister of Pakistan, said that the CDM seemed to favour large commercial projects that generate a lot of carbon credits, but have less impact on a country’s sustainable development. He called for more CDM projects to be established at the community level.
Large, commercial CDM projects do contribute to cutting emissions in developing countries, but they do not necessarily solve the problem of unequal development. It needs to be considered that CDM projects can actually exacerbate problems of uneven development inside developing countries. China’s western regions and rural areas contribute little to its overall emissions, but bear the brunt of environmental degradation. They are also less able to adapt. National policies should require different regions to abide by the same principles as different countries in international negotiations: the more developed should take on more of the cost of emissions reduction and mitigation and help the less developed to improve their ability to cope. Climate change should no longer be a question of countries, but of regions. The participation of all interest groups, including NGOs and communities affected by changes, is needed. Only with such participation will we be able to mobilise all the resources of society and maximise the effects of government action.
These ideas were being taken into consideration as early as 2005, during the first meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol in Montreal. Since then, there has been some development in the application of the CDM to small-scale projects. The CDM Executive Board passed a motion in June 2007 allowing smaller projects to apply, and in July it made some revisions that mean applicants can register as promoters of emissions reduction projects. Small-scale projects using methane and energy conservation projects in public buildings or transport can now brought into the CDM.
The misunderstanding of the CDM by Chinese companies is raising concerns – and risks. One Chinese expert says: “Many companies engaged in CDM projects are in it purely for the large financial benefits. Very few are genuinely concerned about climate change, energy conservation and the environment. The uncertainty brought about by the post-Kyoto era could easily destroy the enthusiasm of many companies – and with it the entire market.” The interests of businesses are affected by climate change; incorporating business incentives into the agenda for tackling climate change fits with the way companies work. Corporate participation is critically important in reducing emissions. It is therefore vital that companies understand and support the CDM. The government and NGOs can help to promote the CDM. As carbon emissions are a public issue, there should be public participation in decisions on how to tackle these questions.
The shortcomings of the CDM highlight a much wider issue: the principle of fairness, which is at the heart of any measures that tackle climate change. The development of biofuels, for instance, is causing increasing food and commodity prices in developing countries. China’s current carbon trading system is focused largely on cities and the agricultural communities worst affected by climate change do not benefit. These are problems worth addressing in China. The government needs to consider not only the issue of equality between nations, but also equality within the nation. This is vital to ensure that responses to climate change do not harm the most vulnerable.
This is an edited version of the Feasibility Study on Chinese Civil Society Responses to Climate Change, a report coordinated by eight non-governmental organisations in China: Friends of Nature, Oxfam, Greenpeace, ActionAid, Global Village, the WWF, Green Earth Volunteers and the Institute of Public and Environmental Affairs. It is the first report of its kind to put forward Chinese civil society's position on climate change and guidance for Chinese citizens to take action on dealing with the issue.
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当我们正在为中国的东部城市经济篷勃发展喝彩的同时,也不能忽略西部森林生态系统失衡,生物多样性受到严重破坏等一系列的环境问题。
While we cheer about economic development in the cities in eastern China, we can not ignore a series of environmental problems in western China, such as forest ecosystems imbalance and severe damage of biodiversity.
我同意作者的观点。公平是国内和国际气候变化政策的关键问题。
然后,向中国政府建议需更多考虑农村和少数民族的需求表明了缺少对中国政府运作的不了解。
村民和少数民族已被中国政府压制了长达一个多世纪。他们在国家政策中被看作二等公民。中国政府和汉族需要公平看待村民和少数民族,这样国家的气候变化政策才能使所有人公平受益。 CU Nappo
I agree with the author of this post. Fairness is a critical aspect of climate change policies, both national and global. However, to suggest to the Chinese government that it needs to be more considerate to the needs of its rural and minority people illustrates a profound lack of understanding as to how the Chinese government operates. The rural and minority people have been oppressed by Chinese leadership for over 100 years. They are treated as second class citizens in all national policies. Before climate change policies can become more evenly beneficial it necessary that the Chinese government and the majority population, the Han, begin to view minorities and rural folk as equal to themselves rather than inferior.
CU Nappo
我同意作者最后的观点。在环境变化真正改变之前,政府首先需要反思和重新评估他们对待少数民族人口的态度。在不把社会不公列入处理范围之前,这些农村/少数民族的环境问题是永远得不到解决的。由于中国的继续成长和发展,这个问题将被放到国际范围内严格审查,政府必须为处理这一问题而做好准备。
I agree with the author of the last comment. Before meaningful environmental change can take place, the government first needs to take a good look at itself and reevaluate their attitudes towards minority populations. Fixing these rural/minority environmental concerns is never going to take place unless the social justice violations are addressed as well. As China continues to grow and develop, it is going to be placed under the international scope of scrutiny pretty intensely. The government needs to be prepared to deal with that.
CU Deetz
我想评论2的说法有些误差,那就是说少数民族在制定国家政策中被看作二等公民和他们已经被压制了百年之久。 我想说的是,大多数中国人被看作了二等公民和被压制。
虽然,多数的中国人还没有接受西方社会的真正民主和平等的概念,但他们已经完全接受了西方的无节制(消费)和广泛博取的理念,尽管大多数人还无经济能力来支付和实现他们渴望的生活和追求。
成就和幸福与金钱挂钩。在这样的一个社会里,环境和公正和平等的社会利益将受到最大的损害。 QS
I think there are some mistakes in labeling minorities being treated as second class citizens in all national policies and they have been oppressed for the past 100 years (comment 2), I think a majority of all people in China have been treated as second class citizens and oppressed.
While most Chinese have yet accepted the ideas of true democracy and equality, they have fully embraced the Western sense of excess and largess, while most of them can't afford it, they no less aspire to it. Achievement and happiness have been equated with the amount of money one has and how much more he has over the next guy, and in such a society, the environment, along with other areas of public wealth such as fairness and equality, suffers most.
QS
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