文章 Articles

The price of coal

China’s behemoth economy may have been built on it, but the people who live in the country’s coal producing regions have been suffering the consequences for decades. Nan Wu tells the story of one young man who decided to fight back.

Article image

Hao Hualin calls the place where he grew up, “Talking Graves.” Ever since he could remember, the ground has shifted and twisted beneath the homes of Haojia Zhai, causing roofs to fall, walls to collapse and houses to slide. Piles of gray bricks and broken glass are all that remain now of Hao's old village.

“When I walk by these houses, I feel like I’m hearing screams and echoes for ‘HELP’ coming out from the ruins,” said Hualin. “It's like voices from graveyards.”

Tired of watching his village slide into ruin, Hualin, 24, began lobbying the local government for housing safety in 2003. His mentor is Hao Guiqin, 60, a retired former party secretary of the village. Guiqin has spent most of his life negotiating with the coal owners to relocate Haojia Zhai, which has been collapsing from reckless mining operations for more than four decades. 

Haojia Zhai is about 100 kilometres south of Taiyuan, the capital of Shanxi province in northeast China. As one of China’s main coal producing regions, Shanxi is also known for its land subsidence, or sinking, problem. Haojia Zhai is a typical example, where severe manmade subsidence shifts have caused the land to slump as it settles around abandoned mine shafts.

For years, the villagers of Haojia Zhai suffered from the effects of subsidence on their homes, but one incident finally spurred them to action: when a falling roof crushed a villager’s 8-year-old son in 1973.

The tragic end of a young life made the villagers very angry, said Guiqin. They demanded that he negotiate with the state-owned Shuiyu Mine's parent company, Fen Xi State Mine Bureau, for both compensation and a solution to the problem of their collapsing houses.

The villagers won, and in 1974 a settlement was made to relocate more than 140 families and 1,000 people in Haojia Zhai. Since then, the villagers have had to move not once, but twice, in 1974 and again in 1990.

 

“Now at night when it's quiet, people can hear sounds like bombs as tiles fall and the earth subsides as the mining goes on,” said Hualin. His family lives in “Upper New Town,” where half of the families in the 1974 settlement moved, thinking they would be safe. But the mining company dug tunnels there too.

 

Every day, said Hualin, their living conditions became worse. First, large cracks began to open in the dry ground outside Hualin's house. Then he found a finger-wide gap on the wall of his room. The gap became larger and larger until it was big enough for an adult to put a fist through. Now cracks have begun to appear in the roof.

 

“When it rains hard outside, it rains inside,” said Hualin. “When the wind blows, it becomes freezing cold in the room. It's unbearable.”

 

In 1990, fearing the subsidence in Upper New Town, the remaining families in Haojia Zhai moved to “Lower New Town,” located just down the hill. It, too, eventually began to collapse. Shuiyu Mine claimed there was not enough proof that the new subsidence was related to their coal mines. But in 2001, professors Zhong Weilin and He Wanlong, members of the Coal Mining Damage Appraisal Committee of China’s Coal Society, confirmed that the damage to the houses was caused by mining in Haojia Zhai. They reported that the subsiding ground paralleled the underground coal mine being dug below.

 

“The mines were digging some 4,000 tonnes of coal out every day,” said Guiqin. “I was hardly surprised the ground was subsiding.”

 

Shuiyu Mine’s total annual production has increased to 12 times what they were producing in the 1960s. According to the China National Coal Association, China’s tax revenues have soared as investment in coal has surpassed 200 billion yuan (US$25 billion dollars) since 2003. At the same time, the financial support for China's coal mine safety as a percentage of GDP accounted for only about 1%, while in some developed countries, the percentage is 3.3%. 

 

Professor Li Lianji from Shanxi Academy of Social Sciences wrote in a 2005 paper entitled, “Empty Mines, Subsiding Land and the Transit of Local Economy,” that China, like many developing countries, has allowed mines to damage the land severely. Indeed, there are 7 billion square metres of subsiding land in China, which has cost the country 50 billion yuan (US$6.8 billion). A central government ruling states that with mining damage in China, “whoever causes the damage, pays.” Compensation is supposed to be divided accordingly among the central government, local government and the mine.

 

For the villagers in Haojia Zhai, the compensation issue is complex. The village losses are no longer only the responsibility of the central government, because the mine underneath Upper New Town was leased to the village head in 2000, and as the operator, he is responsible for the compensation. As a result, Guiqin and Hualin had to negotiate with both the mine and the village in order to receive compensation.  

 

When their pleas for compensation went unheard, Hualin and Guiqin organized 90 villagers to petition the regional authority, Xiaoyi city council, in March 2003. Shortly following their rally, they received a warning when someone smashed the windows of both their houses at night. Guiqin, already suffering from poor health, decided to retire, but Hualin carried on alone. In 2005, Hualin took his petition to the Shanxi provincial ministry. But, as he later recalled, that is what “really brought disaster on my family.”

 

On October 21, 2005, Hualin's father went to work a night shift in the village mine. Only Hualin and his mother remained in the house, which had a single living room and a bedroom connected to each other. Around midnight, while Hualin was sleeping in the living room and his mother was sleeping in the bedroom, they heard a window creaking. Hualin and his mother woke up to hear people whispering in their yard. Hualin rushed to call the police. The police answered and said they would come.

 

“The windows of our living room were smashed, so I just hung up the phone,” he remembers. “Then three men with golf clubs and a flashlight suddenly broke into our room.”

 

The intruders shone the light in Hualin's eyes so that he could not see their faces.

 

“When are you going to move?” They yelled.

 

“Move where?” He asked them. 

 

“We don't care. But we'll fix you if you don't move,” they said.

 

Then they started to beat Hualin nonstop with their golf clubs. He screamed when his left foot was smashed.

 

“My mother heard my screaming and struggled to cover me,” he recalls. “Then one man started to beat her, too.”

 

The beating continued for half an hour until they could not move. Finally the thugs left without a word.

 

Hualin crawled to the phone and again called the police. But the police said that they could not come right away because all their officers were out. 

 

“We waited until 6am when my father came back,” said Hualin, tears dripping to his chin.. “Then he sent us to the hospital.”

 

They were beaten black and blue. Photographs were taken as evidence, but later the police dropped the case for lack of clues.

 

“I feel so sad remembering what happened to us,” sobbed Hualin.

 

Hualin's mother, 45, is less than five feet (1.52 metres) tall. She is extremely thin. Her leg is permanently deformed since the attack. Her shoulders hunch, making her look much shorter. 

 

“My mother cried a lot after that. Now she's always scared that those thugs will come back, “said Hualin. “She does not want me to talk about the coal mines anymore.”

 

After he recovered, Hualin went to see the village head, who denied responsibility. 

 

“He just told me he's not afraid of a fight or a petition,” said Hualin.

 

Later, Hualin's father was asked to meet with the coal mine owner, who offered Hualin a job that paid 1,500 yuan (US$200) a month with no responsibilities other than sitting in the mine everyday. 

 

“I rejected it,” said Hualin. “Justice should not be stolen with money.” 

 

Hualin doesn’t think he has done anything wrong. In his diary he wrote Guanbi Minfan, an old proverb that means, “When officials use force, the people will rebel.” “That saying has been proven by thousands of years of Chinese history,” says Hualin.

 

According to the Xinhua news agency, the central Chinese government provided 7 billion yuan (US$875 million) between 2003 and 2004 to relocate people living in mining areas where there is subsidence. In 2005, Shanxi provincial officials planned to give out 7 billion yuan over two years to relocate the local people – a process that is still underway. But the question remains: how can everyone be relocated? In Shanxi alone, over 1,900 villages and more than one million people are living on land that is collapsing beneath them due to coal mining. 

 

Hualin is still struggling to get to Beijing so that he can tell the story of his village to someone in the central government. 

 

“The local officials make deals with coalminers, so they're bound to each other,” said Hualin, who believes it is impossible for him to get justice in Shanxi. “It's the deal between money and power. We have to demand our legal rights, because our lives have been ruined.”

 

Hualin's family now depends on his father’s 1,000 yuan (US$125) monthly wage from working as a guard in the village mine. Sometimes, Hualin's younger brother and sister mail a little money they manage to save working in the city. The family lives as cheaply as possible, eating hand-made noodles everyday and even saving the noodle water to feed their chickens. Sometimes they stir-fry a dish of potatoes with homemade tomatoes and pepper sauce.

 

Today, Hualin and his parents squeeze into the least damaged room of their house. The other two bedrooms are so badly cracked that they are unsafe to live in. More than 100 families in Haojia Zhai live in similar homes, waiting out their time as the village slowly collapses around them.

 

“I know if I can continue to petition and speak out, I will have some hope,” says Hualin. “But I still don't know when we can move.”
 

 
 

Wu Nan worked as an international news reporter for the Economic Observer in Beijing and as news assistant for The Boston Globe’s Beijing bureau from 2003-2006. She is currently pursuing her master’s degree at the Graduate School of Journalism, University of California, Berkeley. 

Homepage photo by andi808

Now more than ever…

chinadialogue is at the heart of the battle for truth on climate change and its challenges at this critical time.

Our readers are valued by us and now, for the first time, we are asking for your support to help maintain the rigorous, honest reporting and analysis on climate change that you value in a 'post-truth' era.

Support chinadialogue

发表评论 Post a comment

评论通过管理员审核后翻译成中文或英文。 最大字符 1200。

Comments are translated into either Chinese or English after being moderated. Maximum characters 1200.

评论 comments

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

见怪不怪了

资源可以带来财富,对财富的追逐让某些人失去最基本的道德和良知,加之基层政府的同流合污或是懦弱无能,悲剧就这么一次又一次地发生

Not surprising at all

Exploring resources can bring in a fortune. In hot pursuit of money, some people would go against their conscience. This, combined with the collusion ,corruption and incapability of the government, will make the tragedy in the article occure agian and again.

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

好文章

巫楠写地好!-林军

Good article

Good job, Wu Nan! - Linjun

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

好文章

非常好的文章。感谢巫楠!这可能并不是另一个“让人惊讶的故事”,但是它又一次地提醒了我们,要解决的问题还很多。

Good article

Very good story. Thanks! It might not be another "surprising story", but it tells again that there are still so much for us to do.

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

集体无意识发生在权威部门就更为可怕

当老百姓集体无意识,也就无意识罢了。而领导阶层着一个集体无意识,是一件很糟糕的事情。
有牵头的,稍微动一动,然后带动大家一起动——可惜文中的主人公人微言轻,起不到带动的效果,我们只有靠领导阶层破除他们的集体无意识了!

Group unity awareness

If the public don't have any awareness of group unity, then it's just unaware. On the other hand, if the leadership don't have any awareness of group unity, then there are serious problems. If the leadership move slightly, then everyone moves with them.

It's a shame that the main character in the article doesn't have the resources to move anyone, we are forced to rely on the leadership - the unaware leadership.

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

无助的呼吁

看到这类文章真是无言以对。没错,中国现今的高速经济发展是建立在牺牲环境以及社会底层弱势群体利益基础上的。尽管中央政府清楚地意识到这样发展的后果,但地方政府官员们却从未停止(估计他们也不会)那些坑蒙拐骗强取豪夺的把戏。如果这种黑社会性质般的暴力继续施加在弱势群体的身上,只会提前导致整个社会的崩溃。主啊,如果您真有眼的话,请施展您那万能力量将邪恶驱逐出我亲爱的祖国吧。–Donald

Helpless cry

It is really a shame to read articles of this kind. It is true that the glaringly fast economic development of China is achieved mainly at the sacrifice of the environments and the interests of those at the lowest rung of the social ladder. While the central government is acutely aware of the consequences, the regional government officials have never stopped (I doubt if they would) playing the dirty tricks of deceiving and bullying. The continuation of those mafia-like violence against the disprivileged people would only mean a quicker collapse of the society. God, if you are real, please show us your almighty power to eradicate the evil from my beloved country. --Donald

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

尴尬的境地

中央政府对这些情况都很了解, 只是山高皇帝远,管不到一些由地方官员一手遮天的偏远地区,这些地方官员常常与土地开发商勾结,以权谋钱.中央目前陷入只能解决表面的问题, 解决不了根本的尴尬境地.

stuck

The central government knows everything too well, but it simply does not have the power to control further regions, where local officials with absolute authority keeps turning their power into wealth, often with the help of greedy land developers. The central govenrment can only fix the "branch" while problems lie within the "root".

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

黑暗中最后的光亮

我想说,中国人对于家长制社会的隐喻:管理一个国家如同管理一个家庭,正是损害中国社会,造成社会不正常问题的根源。这个隐喻为各级政府官员,从最下层到最上层,目无法纪地掌握集体财富,以及残忍地操控老百姓的命运提供了正当的理由。值得高兴的是,普通民众已经越来越清楚这种思想意识带来的不良影响。

the light at the end of the tunnel

I would say then the root of the problems that undermine and derange the Chinese society is the overarching metaphor characteristic of our patriarchal society: managing a country is managing a family. This metaphor helps officials from the lowest level to the top to justify their lawless manipulation of the collective wealth and cruel and beastly control over the fate of the general public. The good thing is that people are becoming more and more aware of its deleterious impacts of such a mindset.

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

中国的石磨蓝

是一不记录几个中国女打工仔在出口西方国家的牛仔裤加工厂工作的悲惨经历.我想所有的观众都和我一样, 有种由衷的耻辱感吧.
中国在努力提高国内生产总值的同时, 已经变成了一个世界的加工厂, 以难以置信的低廉价格出口产品.
在这些光鲜的经济突破的背后, 我们能听到多少打工者的哭声?他们中的很多人像影片中描述的那样, 还是小女孩.
我们何曾问过是否自己应该享受这样的安逸生活?
我们又是否想过应该怎样去安抚自己不安的良心, 而不是努力满足自己的贪欲?
在我的内心深处, 我在为那些年轻的女孩们哭泣, 她们应该在教室里受到知识的灌溉, 而不是在工厂里忍受剥削.
这难道是我们为现代化而必须做出的牺牲吗?
我爱我的国家, 我也希望她能够成为人性的天堂.

Comment on China Blue

I went to see China Blue,a documentary that narrates the sad and saddening stories of young Chinese women working in sweatshops that produce jeans whose consumers are westerners. I feel extraordinarily ashamed and I believe all the viewers should have the same feeling. China, in the efforts to raise its GDP, has been translated into factories for the whole world producing goods that sell at an unbelievably low price. How many of us could actually feel or hear the cries of those migrant workers (many of them are juvenile women) behind the superficial prosperity of our country? How many of us have ever stopped to ask ourselves if we truly deserve the ease of our life? How many of us can learn to act on our conscience rather than on our greed? Deep in my heart, I weep for the sufferings of those young girls, who should be staying at school rather than toil and moil in those ruthless factories. Is it a must that our nation has to sacrifice their interest in the course of modernization? I love my country, but I hate its inhuman practices.