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To seal a deal, we need justice

A legally binding agreement seems beyond reach at Copenhagen. Ma Jun blames an inability to balance the need for efficiency with the principle of equity.

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Climate change is one of the most complex challenges that faces the world today. The fact that international society has come together to negotiate a plan to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions after 2012 reflects the progress of human civilisation. However, the gap in the positions of the developing countries and developed nations remains so wide at this point in the Copenhagen negotiations that a legally binding agreement seems beyond reach. It will be very difficult to bridge such a major gap merely through technical adjustments. Instead, the major stakeholders should return to the fundamental concepts of equity and efficiency if they want to escape this predicament.

There are different views about how to approach the environmental principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities.” Research shows that the emissions of developed countries in their industrialisation over the past 150 years are the primary cause of current climate-change impacts. Therefore, developing countries argue that industrialised nations should be legally obliged to reduce their emissions. At the same time, the rights of developing countries to improve their livelihoods through economic development should be respected – and there should not be mandatory emissions curbs for these poor countries. However, developed countries doubt that such a plan could successfully address climate change. They argue that their emissions reductions would be quickly offset by the rising emissions of major developing countries, such as China and India, whose scale of carbon dioxide emissions has substantially increased in recent years.

This is the problem: if one considers environmental justice, developed countries should take responsibility for their historical emissions and developing nations should not have to take action from the same starting point. However, if one considers effectiveness and efficiency, the world cannot prevent the dangerous consequences of climate change without developing countries making immediate efforts to slow their rising emissions. There is a conflict between equity and efficiency in the fight against global warming.

With such a global issue that is critical to humanity’s future, we should not sacrifice efficiency for the sake of equity – we cannot afford the risk of climate disaster. But neither can we sacrifice justice for the sake of efficiency – a deal not based on the principle of equity could not be implemented or enforced. A major pathway to balance efficiency with equity – and resolve conflicting interests – is to require that developed countries transfer technology and funds to help developing countries to take immediate action.

But such promises have not materialised, despite having been on the agenda since 1992. This is why many developing countries insist that a deal cannot be reached without this problem being resolved. It is still the most contentious issue at the climate talks. The amount of money that developed countries are willing to provide is very limited – it is worlds away from the expectations of developing nations. The United States have said they will not provide China with finance to reduce emissions; a Chinese negotiator responded that this statement “lacks common sense.”

This sharp contrast in positions shows that the United States and some other western nations still want to shirk their responsibilities; they are not ready to reach a deal based on global environmental justice. Some do not even have the guts to recognise who is responsible for today’s climate problems. That is why some industrialised countries have made legally binding emissions reductions for developing nations a precondition of their commitment. That is why some industrialised countries think financial support for developing nations is a kind of charity – when, in fact, it is compensation for the mess they have created over the past 150 years.

If we want to coordinate the positions of both sides of the argument, developed countries must recognise their responsibility for historical emissions. Based on the principle of balancing efficiency and equity, we should plan to provide financial support for developing countries in the following ways. Based on the precondition that the limit on the rise of the average global temperature – of 1.5 or 2 degrees Celsius – should be stringently enforced, every developed country should shoulder its historic duty and set legally binding targets for deep emissions cuts, especially those countries that did not ratify the Kyoto Protocol. Meanwhile, the least developed nations should be helped in their mitigation and adaptation efforts. Large developing nations like China and India should adopt voluntary action plans to reduce emissions. If an industrialised country is having difficulties reaching its emissions targets and needs help from developing countries to meet them, then developed countries should provide full funding to support developing countries make extra cuts beyond their voluntary emission targets. Once such a multi-billion dollar climate fund has been established, an appropriate supervisory system should be put in place to ensure the funds are used effectively, and are not misused or embezzled.

There is no doubt that the largest obstacle at Copenhagen is the failure of developed nations to recognise their historical responsibilities. However, developing countries should not wait around: they should actively improve their own governance structures in order to build open, transparent and participatory supervisory systems. This is not only important for socio-economic development in poor countries, but it will also boost the confidence of other stakeholders in the effective use of future climate funding. After all, the fundamental issue is that debts are paid, but that we prevent dangerous climate change. If funds for emissions reductions were misused, then humanity would miss its last opportunity to stop climate change.


Ma Jun is director of the Institute of Public and Environmental Affairs. Sabrina Orlins and Wang Jingjing assisted the translation.

Homepage image from SevenMetres.net

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评论 comments

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

当今世界难得公平

哥本哈根气候博弈峰会,富国对自己宽容、言而无信;对穷国伪善,离间。背后是各自的政治和经济利益,以及未来博取低碳商业利益作怪。
峰会结束,仅仅达成表面性的文件,东西方间的巨大裂痕并未缩小。
笔者在博客(http://blog.sina.com.cn/otherlook)中上传了“中国草根网民给哥本哈根全球气候大会的信”两封。也希望中国草根的声音,让世人听到。发展中国家应团结起来,天助自助者。
网民 千里草

It's hard to get fair treatment in today's world

At the Copenhagen climate summit game, rich countries were very forgiving of themselves and went back on their word, but were hypocritical to poor countries and sowed discord among them. Behind their backs, they were working for their own political and economic gain, and trying to get hold of low-carbon business. At the end of the summit, they only achieved a superficial agreement and the huge rift between East and West was not narrowed. In his blog ( http://blog.sina.com.cn/otherlook) a reporter uploaded two letters from “China Grassroots Netizens' Letters to the Copenhagen Climate Conference”. I also hope that the world will hear the voices of China's grassroots. Developing nations should come together; God helps those who help themselves.

-Netizen Thousand-li Grass

Translated by Tiffany Gray

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

三思而后行

最近关于气候变化驱动因素的认识吵得沸沸扬扬。究竟是什么造成了气温变暖,气温真的变暖了吗?请先关注基础研究,然后才能制定方案。

Think twice

The recent debate on the drivers of climate change has been very fierce. What is it causing the warming? Is the temperature really rising? Please focus on the basic research before carring out any scheme.

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

中国还是美国?

不出所料,一些西方媒体已经在把哥本哈根的失败归结为中国的阻碍。

Is it China or the US?

Not surprisingly, Some Western media have attributed the failure of COP15 to China.

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

谁的错?

我们明白哥本哈根的障碍是发达国家没有承认他们的历史责任,但是你觉得中国拒绝国际监督系统来监督他们的在气候变化问题的“自律”系统是合理的吗?没有透明,就没有结果。

GE Bo 翻译

Who's fault?

We understand that the obstacle at Copenhagen is the failure of developed nations to recognise their historical responsibilities, but do you think it's reasonable that China refuses to have international supervisory system to monitor its "Self-control" on climate change? No transparency, no result.

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

我们父辈的罪孽

“效率”的意义涵盖了现实主义,或称实用主义。我们的父母,祖父母,曾祖父母曾在许多方面犯了错误。作为一个美国人,假如我有心弥补过去和我自己犯下的所有过错,比如气候变化,种族主义、性别歧视(当然作为女人,这一项不在我的议程内)、经济剥削,或有毒废物,我必须付出我毕生的精力....(全文请见我博客)。

Karen Christensen, [email protected]

Sins of our fathers (and mothers)

"Efficiency" has to include realism, or practicality. There are many ways in which our parents, grandparents, and great grandparents have erred. If I, as an American, were to try to make amends for all past sins as well as my own, when it comes to climate change, or racism, or sexism (well, as a woman, at least this one isn't in my lap), or economic exploitation, or toxic waste, I'd have to devote my entire life to the job....(continued at my blog). Karen Christensen, [email protected]

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

股权

我全力支持股权制。股权意味着平等的人均排放量的份额,这并不构成危险。就相当于等于每人每分得2吨二氧化碳。股权意味着美国需要减少90%的排量。而中国已有3倍的人均份额,在生产上将走向上升,而非下降。

马丁•本泽

Equity

I am all for equity. Equity dicates an equal per capita share of carbon output that does not pose a danger. That is something like 2 tons per person per year of CO2. Equity dictates the US needs to cut its output by 90%. But China already has an output of 3 times its per capita fair share and is on track to go up not down in its output.
Martin Bunzl